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Will Gerakan leave BN?

Over the years, Gerakan has tried to change or reform the Barisan “from within” – or so it likes to claim. Clearly, it has failed. Did the BN instead end up changing Gerakan? The question on many people’s minds is, now what for the party that had governed Penang for close to 40 years?

In a personal comment piece for the New Sunday Times, the former state exco member for Penang, Toh Kin Woon, suggested several options for Gerakan after its disastrous performance in the general election:

One is to stay in BN and have more of the same, with the party unable to abandon its racial character. This is the least desirable for it may lead to the party’s oblivion.

The second is to stay and seek reforms from within. One major reform, and one which had been advocated earlier by the party’s Youth chief, is for all component parties to merge to form a truly multiracial BN.

Besides doing away with racial appeals, it will avert the seemingly lack of parity in the relationship between Umno and the rest.

It was this that had, in part, cost MCA, MIC and Gerakan dearly in the recent elections. The party must, however, give itself a time frame to pursue this major change.

Should it fail to achieve this within the given time span, it must then consider leaving BN and independently develop the party as a multiracial social democratic party.

It could, for instance, join forces with other like-minded parties outside BN to forge an even larger multiracial movement for greater democracy, ethnic equality, gender parity and social justice.

Ultimately, it is up to the leaders and party members to consider these, and other, options for a revival of the party. But reform and change it must, if it is to remain a force that can fulfil the ever-rising tide of expectations of the Malaysian electorate in a rapidly changing world.

This prompted Dr Choong Sim Poey, a life member of Gerakan, to send a letter to the NST. Unfortunately, what was published was only an “emasculated” version. Here is the full version. (The bits that the NST left out are in bold. It looks like you are still not allowed to be critical of Umno in the NST):

I refer to Dr Toh’s analysis of Gerakan’s problems (New SundayTimes, 23 March 2008). His concluding lines on the possibility of Gerakan leaving the BN coalition as one of their options to revive the Party is not as radical a suggestion as the public may think. It is an issue familiar to many senior party members.

Even in the 1980s when Tun Lim Chong Eu was the CM in Penang (and de facto leader of the Gerakan), the ‘unfair’ allocation of seats to component parties was a chronic bone of contention. Suggestions raised to break away for this reason were rejected as unseemly and opportunistic. Nevertheless, it was generally agreed that this should remain an option when key issues were in dispute especially when it went against our basic party principles and objectives

Unfortunately, over the years of BN/Umno dominance, this seemed to have been put aside in favour of ‘pragmatic’ politics. This meant accepting anything that the Umno leadership came out with to curry favour with their own members with a total disregard for the position of their coalition partners.

This was tested when Umno sought to undermine Pas by becoming an Islamic State and ‘Ketuanan Melayu‘ became the battle cry for Umno to regain their grass-roots support during which time there was not even a squeak from any Gerakan leaders.

This pragmatic approach to politics by Gerakan included condoning blatant opportunism and cronyism by Umno leaders in the name of the NEP. All this Gerakan willingly accepted in exchange for remaining ‘permanently’ under the BN’s comfort zone, nominally governing the state of Penang, until this shock election defeat.

I am writing this to put in historical perspective the position of Gerakan vis-a-vis the BN. I maintain that there was never any acceptance or assumption that Gerakan’s membership in the BN coalition was a permanent partnership to be maintained at all costs! The Gerakan leadership will now have to seriously consider if the cost paid in this election has been too high!

Dr Choong Sim Poey

Penang

So do you think Gerakan should remain in the BN and hope to influence any reform process in the ruling coalition – or do you think the BN is beyond redemption and Gerakan should leave?

1988 judicial crisis: Is an apology sufficient?

Former Lord President Salleh Abas has reacted positively to Zaid Ibrahim’s proposal that the government should apologise to him and the other top judges who were victimised and sacked in the 1988 judicial onslaught by the Mahathir administration.

Of course, Karpal Singh has a point that when he says that it is not the present administration who should apologise but Mahathir himself. He said that the two tribunals that were convened in 1988 were initiated by Mahathir.

While it is great that the government may acknowledge the terrible injustice that occurred in 1988, a mere apology without concrete measures won’t suffice. Those involved in the crisis must also be held accountable. I am thinking of the role played by people like Hamid Omar (who took over from Salleh Abas) and Haidar apart from Mahathir himself. Mahathir has a lot to answer for – and this time he should not be allowed to plead memory loss. If he is allowed to get away scot free – without any sign of remorse – what message are we sending to future PM’s who might be tempted to trample on the judiciary and subvert the system of check and balance?

We also need to set up an independent commission to revamp the whole judiciary, remove all those tainted judges and ensure that future judges are selected based on integrity, competence and independence. Of course, they must be committed to upholding basic rights.

Here’s what a friend told me: “I just read NST’s editorial though that argues for only an apology because anything more will amount to a witch hunt. Strange logic. How could it be a witch hunt when the culprits are well known?

“On the other hand, I think Badawi is interested in offering just the apology because it will be symbolically enough to shame Mahathir. Getting the latter to apologise is probably difficult because it will involve at least a hearing and/or review and Badawi may risk public dissatisfaction for going after Mahathir in his old age and with a recent bypass. A mere apology may get Badawi to appear more statesmanlike and project him as interested in cleaning up the judiciary.”

I believe that no attempt at reforming the judiciary can succeed until and unless we probe the events of 1988, cleanse/purge the system, and put in place legal and institutional safeguards to ensure that such a scandal can never be repeated.

What’s your take on this?

Penang school heads told not to invite State Govt leaders as VIPs

School heads in Penang have been instructed or “advised” not to invite State Government leaders and other elected representatives in Penang as VIPs and guests-of-honour. The message was conveyed during a briefing last Wednesday by a senior official from the Penang Education Department, which comes under the federal-level Education Ministry.

The directive/”advice” to play on the safe-side was made verbally (and not in writing), according to a principal of a school in Penang and confirmed by another senior staff member from the same school. They were understandably indignant at the ruling.

This just shows the kind of small-mindedness among certain Education Dept/Ministry officials. I believe even DAP-PKR state assembly members who are not holding exco posts may now not be invited as VIPs/guests-of-honour to schools.

Take a look at this year’s Penang Schools Sports Council (MSSPP) meet, which is opening today in Batu Kawan and closing on Friday. The Penang school sports meet traditionally has been officially opened by the Governor of Penang and closed by the Penang Chief Minister. But this time around, my second source said that the invitation cards issued to schools indicates that the closing ceremony will be officiated by the State Education Director.

I wonder if there is a similar ruling/”advice” in the other four opposition-controlled states. Perhaps readers of this blog who are school heads can tell us.

But I think there is a silver lining. This directive will, unwittingly, give the new Penang State Government leaders more time to spend on running the state efficiently, instead of wasting time officiating at routine school functions. Though I am sure the Education Department officials did not have that in mind!

Now, the question is, will USM officials follow suit and avoid State Government leaders like the plague?

Big Brother is watching – via CCTV

I am not alone in expressing reservations about the proliferation of CCTV cameras as the solution to crime prevention.

A couple of friends have just sent me a few links.

UK is CCTV capital

It is estimated that there are some 4.2 million Closed Circuit TV (CCTV) cameras in Britain, one for every 14 people. An individual might be captured by more than 300 separate cameras on an average day.

Such all-pervasive video surveillance, combined with the ability to exploit the information contained in numerous government and private databases, enables the almost seamless monitoring of the population.

The list of places monitored by CCTV is endless. Most of Britain’s urban centres are under surveillance, as are motorways, hospitals, schools, banks, museums, shopping malls, sports facilities and travel hubs such as railway stations and airports.

CCTV cameras are operated by the police, the security services, various national and local government agencies and a myriad of institutions and private companies.

Their insidious spread has seriously eroded long-standing democratic rights. The routine recording of video footage in both public and private spaces represents a massive intrusion into individual privacy.

CCTV is increasingly being used to monitor so-called antisocial behaviour, including minor offences such as littering, urinating in a public place and drunkenness.

All demonstrations are now routinely recorded by specialist police video units on the ground, and from helicopters. Even if no crime or public order offence has been committed, the footage is kept by the police, providing evidence of an individual’s political stance on issues such as the war in Iraq, nuclear energy, pensioners’ rights, hunting, etc.

And another relevant link: Urbaneye, a research study on the use of CCTV in the EU, which concludes:

that given the combination of opaque surveillance practices and uninformed citizens, the ‘black box’ of increasingly networked CCTV should be opened to ensure democratic control. The extent of surveillance should be made transparent by registration; the proportionality of deployment and its fitness for purpose should be assessed by a licensing system; managers and operators should be made accountable and regular inspection should guarantee compliance with a common and consistent set of codes of practice.

Rather than focusing solely on the manifestation of criminal behaviour, we should probe deeper into its root causes. Another friend alerted me to this article from the Law Library website, suggesting that urban ecology is a major factor in the rise in crime in cities:

In the period between 1920 and World War II, sociologists associated with the University of Chicago began to construct explanations concerning why cities might have higher crime rates than the hinterland. But more importantly, they were interested in documenting and explaining variations in crime levels within cities (Park, Burgess, and McKenzie; Shaw and McKay). At the time, many believed that crime in the city, and especially in particular sections of the city, was caused by the influx of immigrants, and especially those from “crime prone” ethnic groups. However, researchers from the Chicago School observed in their studies that some sections of cities consistently had higher crime rates than others, regardless of who populated those areas. They argued and demonstrated with data that crime rates can be explained more accurately by focusing on the ecology of areas in the city, rather than on the ethnic composition of the population inhabiting those areas. They described a process whereby immigrants, upon arrival into the United States, typically moved into the poor, blighted neighborhoods because that is where they could afford to live. Crime in these areas was high and reflected poor living conditions, as these neighborhoods experienced great levels of poverty, racial heterogeneity, transience, and family disruption. However, as succeeding generations of these immigrant families improved their lot they moved to better neighborhoods, and as a result, their ethnic groups’ crime rate declined. Meanwhile, new immigrants from different ethnic groups repopulated the neighborhoods that the earlier arrivals had vacated. Despite the near complete change in population composition, crime levels in these transitory areas remained high. Chicago School criminologists thus concluded that it was not criminogenic characteristics of ethnic groups that led to elevated rates of crime, but the nature of the urban ecology in which they lived.

To attack the rising crime rate, we also need to look at some of the socio-economic causes of criminal behaviour. Another excerpt from the same website:

Crime is said to be more likely in communities that are economically deprived, large in size, high in multiunit housing like apartments, high in residential mobility (people frequently move into and out of the community), and high in family disruption (high rates of divorce, single-parent families). These factors are said to reduce the ability or willingness of community residents to exercise effective social control, that is, to exercise direct control, provide young people with a stake in conformity, and socialize young people so that they condemn delinquency and develop self-control.

The residents of high crime communities often lack the skills and resources to effectively assist others. They are poor and many are single parents struggling with family responsibilities. As such, they often face problems in socializing their children against crime and providing them with a stake in conformity, like the skills to do well in school or the connections to secure a good job. These residents are also less likely to have close ties to their neighbors and to care about their community. They typically do not own their own homes, which lowers their investment in the community. They may hope to move to a more desirable community as soon as they are able, which also lowers their investment in the community. And they often do not know their neighbors well, since people frequently move into and out of the community. As a consequence, they are less likely to intervene in neighborhood affairs—like monitoring the behavior of neighborhood residents and sanctioning crime. Finally, these residents are less likely to form or support community organizations, including educational, religious, and recreational organizations. This is partly a consequence of their limited resources and lower attachment to the community. This further reduces control, since these organizations help exercise direct control, provide people with a stake in conformity, and socialize people. Also, these organizations help secure resources from the larger society, like better schools and police protection. Recent data provide some support for these arguments.

Social disorganization theorists and other criminologists, such as John Hagan, point out that the number of communities with characteristics conducive to crime—particularly high concentrations of poor people—has increased since the 1960s. These communities exist primarily in inner city areas and they are populated largely by members of minority groups (due to the effects of discrimination). Such communities have increased for several reasons. First, there has been a dramatic decline in manufacturing jobs in central city areas, partly due to the relocation of factories to suburban areas and overseas. Also, the wages in manufacturing jobs have become less competitive, due to factors like foreign competition, the increase in the size of the work force, and the decline in unions. Second, the increase in very poor communities is due to the migration of many working- and middle-class African Americans to more affluent communities, leaving the poor behind. This migration was stimulated by a reduction in discriminatory housing and employment practices. Third, certain government policies—like the placement of public housing projects in inner-city communities and the reduction of certain social services—have contributed to the increased concentration of poverty.

So let’s tackle some of these socio-economic factors – poverty, relative deprivation, low wages vs increased cost of living, lack of social services, lowcost highrise flats – and urban ecology issues if we are really serious about tackling the rising crime rate. Also we need to ask how our model of industrial development has alienated many people and contributed to the rising crime rate.

More police patrols, guards and CCTV cameras merely attack the symptoms – not the root causes.

We should also look at why white-collar crime – the crimes of the high-flying wheelers and dealers of the corporate world, not to mention the crooked politicians who siphon off millions of ringgit – does not receive the same publicity and concern.

Trengganu MB crisis: Follow the money trail

I spent a couple of years in Trengganu when I was a kid. I have fond memories of a tranquil and rustic state, wonderful childhood neighbours – whom I have recently been reacquainted with after all these years – and family picnics at Pantai Chendering.

So the high stakes battle in Trengganu over the choice of Mentri Besar is of special interest to me.

While much has been said about the constitutional position, there is more to it than just the letter and spirit of the law.

There is more to it than that – and it is essential that we consider this dimension in any discussion of the political situation in Trengganu.

Follow the money trail.

One of the key issues, I believe, is how the Petronas oil royalties due to the state amounting to some RM1 billion annually should be spent – for the benefit of the people or for vested interests. Despite its oil wealth, Trengganu is one of the poorest states in the federation.

The royalty payments are no small change. In the past, the money was paid directly to the state government and dispensed under its supervision.

But when Trengganu fell to opposition hands (Pas) in 1999, then prime minister Mahathir changed the rules. He couldn’t bear to see all that money going to an opposition-controlled state government.

Instead of the Petronas royalties (amounting to 5 per cent of oil extraction and sales) going directly to the Trengganu state government, they were now channelled to a federally administered Special Fund Financing Programme (the Fund), which was established in December 2000. The money in this new Fund was euphemistically renamed “goodwill money” (wang ihsan) and it was supposed to directly finance development programmes for the people of Terengganu, largely bypassing the state government.

Since then, there has been little accountability over how this money has been spent and whether the projects really benefit the ordinary people.

The missing Accounts Committee

Basically, the Treasury is supposed to make allocations out of the Fund to various ministries (and via these ministries to federal agencies), financial institutions, and federal and state-level offices.

According to the Auditor General’s Report 2005, in line with a directive, the Treasury was supposed to create an Accounts Committee, chaired by the Treasury’s Chief Secretary, to administer the Fund. The Committee was supposed to comprise representatives from the Prime Minister’s Department (including the Economic Planning Unit), the Treasury, and the Finance Ministry.

But the Auditor General (AG) said then that such a Committee had not been set up – surely this must be of serious concern.

Instead, a “Central-level Committee”, which appears less high-powered, was formed. This Committee, which includes representatives from ministries and implementation agencies, meets twice a year to discuss and approve allocations. It is not clear who exactly is in this Committee. PM Abdullah must reveal the composition of this committee.

This Central-level Committee is supposed to evaluate projects and recommend to the Cabinet financial allocations for the various states. But the AG said he found that allocations for the various states were not decided during the Committee’s meetings. Instead, the “allocations were based on the approval of the Finance Minister and they were forwarded straight to the relevant state Menteris Besar”. The Finance Minister is of course the Prime Minister.

Would that explain why Abdullah Badawi is so keen on retaining Idris as MB?

In an article for Aliran Monthly, ‘Buying goodwill – RM4 billion worth of it’, I wrote back then that although the AG had said that the people had benefited from the Fund, his finding was not backed up by empirical evidence. He conceded that, at the state level, “expenditure that should not have been financed from the Special Fund allocation had occurred and this had more or less jeopardised the objective of the programme”.

He also found that not all ministries, departments and agencies had submitted their quarterly expenditure statements as required (though he said their monitoring work was adequate). This meant the Treasury’s records related to the Fund were incomplete. More seriously, there was no evidence to show that the Treasury had taken follow-up action. He also stressed that all allocations should be approved by the Central-level Committee.

Reading between the lines, it seemed to me, that there was a lot of arbitrary discretion being exercised as to how the fund was being administered – most likely to serve the interests of the ruling party while benefiting certain vested interests.

The best solution is to return the royalties to the state governments. High-powered independent audit committees with opposition representation, reporting to the respective state assemblies, should be set up to ensure that such funds are used on projects that really empower the rural poor. This will dispel the perception that this ‘goodwill money’ is being used as a patronage tool to boost political ‘goodwill’ for the Barisan Nasional while also benefiting vested interests.

I would hazard a guess that the Agong, who is the Sultan of Trengganu, knows what is going on and is deeply concerned.

Here’s one intriguing question: If a new MB who is not the PM’s choice is sworn in, would the files of yet another state government disappear?

Right now, it’s a battle of wills.

Even though Abdullah’s choice of MB (supposedly) has the backing of all the BN assembly members, would the weakened PM ram him through and risk having to face another state election in Trengganu? This time, Pas and PKR, fresh from their successes on the west coast, could well pose a stronger challenge.

He is risen!

Penang Island1

Easter morning in Penang: A new beginning

Easter is the greatest festival in the Christian calendar – more important than Christmas.

Christians believe that was the day Jesus triumphed over Death and appeared to his followers.

As theologian Marcus Borg notes, he was executed by the Empire but vindicated by God. Too often, we only look at the message of personal and spiritual transformation that Easter heralds.

But there is also a political message. Jesus advocated a politics of compassion – he had a vision of society that is just and inclusive, where even the outcasts and the marginalised would be invited to the heavenly banquet.

He challenged the ruling elite of his time who were oppressing and exploiting the poor. During the time of Jesus, Palestine was under Roman occupation. He lived in a peasant society in which burdensome taxes were imposed on the 90 per cent of the population who were peasants. The elites and their retainers, who made up the remaining 10 per cent, controlled two-thirds of the wealth.

Early Christians proclaimed “Jesus is Lord!” That itself was a subversive post-Easter message – for Caesar was then the Emperor and deemed by Roman imperial theology to be divine. In the context of the times – and even today – that proclamation carries an added meaning: God, rather than Caesar or any other worldly overlords, is the real Lord!

When Jesus appeared after the resurrection, he passed a message to his followers that he could be found in Galilee. Galilee was the place that Jesus first proclaimed that the kingdom of God was at hand – a kingdom of justice, peace and compassion. Thus, anyone working to realise that kingdom, which Jesus so passionately proclaimed, would find and be guided by the presence of the living Spirit of God.

God has conquered Death and is very much interested in the Lives of the people of his kingdom. His Spirit lives on in all those who participate in building a kingdom that is just, compassionate and inclusive. His Spirit will guide us towards refashioning and recreating the world the way God wants it to be.

Questionable land deals give Guan Eng huge headache

pgcc meeting with guan eng
Lin Lee presents the PGCC Campaign Group’s concerns as Guan Eng, Jeff Ooi and Liew Chin Tong listen

It has been over a week since Lim Guan Eng was sworn in as Penang Chief Minister, but already he is discovering some of the serious challenges facing the new Penang state government.

He faces a daunting task. Planning approvals for major development projects in the past have been haphazard at best and irresponsible, dubious and shady at worst. The PGCC Campaign Group met Guan Eng this afternoon in the Bilik Gerakan (someone quipped that it should be renamed “Bilik DAP”) of the Chief Minister’s office in Komtar. After driving the final nails into the PGCC coffin, the activists from Penang’s main civil society groups said they would come up with a detailed proposal to turn the Turf Club land into a People’s Park within the next couple of months. Guan Eng joked that the developer’s bouquet of flowers had not influenced him in any way.

The activists also highlighted a whole range of planning and approval shortcomings that have left the island looking increasingly like a veritable concrete mess, plasted with huge billboards and plagued by poor enforcement. Among the examples cited were proposals for 40-storey tower blocks on the coastline of Tanjung Bungah and the massive Hunza development along Gurney Drive. The Campaign Group stressed that there should be no major development work until Local Plans are approved.

Land reclamation was another major issue. The activists pointed out that the previous adminstration had lost huge amounts of potential revenue by virtually handing over land reclamation projects to private developers to make lucrative profits while state coffers hardly benefited.

If land reclamation had been properly handled – there are 16,000 hectares of potential land that can be reclaimed – it could have generated enough revenue for the state to finance its operating and development expenditure for many years. Instead, IJM (along the Jelutong Expressway) and E&O (along Tanjong Tokong) appear to be the prime beneficiaries.

Land reclamation has also caused severe environmental problems – mud flats in Gurney Drive and siltation. Guan Eng pointed out that, thanks to siltation, the authorities may now have to spend federal funds (public money) to dredge the sea around the port area. Let’s not even talk about the damage it has caused to marine and coastal biodiversity.

Guan Eng addresses the PGCC Campaign Group
Penang Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng tells us about his budget concerns

The new Chief Minister said that Penang has to cope with tight financial constraints, with a budget deficit of RM35 million announced last year. Worse, there are several court cases coming up involving dubious land deals undertaken during the previous administration that have exposed the state to potential legal damages. In one such case involving a shady land deal in 2003, in which the legal officer acting for the state strangely conceded liability, the state government now could be exposed to RM30 million in damages. “I don’t know where I am going to find RM30 million,” said a worried Guan Eng, an accountant by training.

The Penang state government must institute a thorough investigation into how this could have happened.

I asked him about Penang’s financial reserves, and he said the state had about RM200-odd million in reserves. But, he added, the government would be reluctant to touch this as it would affect the state’s credit rating.

It is at times like this that we wish that land reclamation had been properly handled in the past. It could have been a major source of revenue for the state, provided of course that the environmental aspect had been thoroughly studied first.

The Chief Minister also confirmed that all files had been taken away from their offices. “Maybe they wanted you to start on a ‘clean slate’,” someone quipped.

As for the re-introduction of local government elections, Guan Eng said that Penang was the only state so far to have committed itself to restoring elected councils. But in view of the cost and logistics involved, he felt that local council elections should be best held to coincide with the next general election.

CCTV cameras to curb crime?

Guan Eng said that he had prioritised security as his main concern for the next few months. He appeared keen on installing more CCTV cameras in crime-prone areas as a preventive measure – a move which could cost RM20 million.

I hope Guan Eng will reconsider this as I do not think it will be money well spent.

For one thing, the effectiveness of CCTV cameras in crime prevention is questionable (although some may say its value lies in its deterrent effect).

Secondly, it could lead to a Big Brother society, where cameras watch the people’s every move. Before long, you will have cameras spying on you wherever you go – and there will always be a need for more and more cameras if we don’t attack the root (socio-economic) causes of the rising crime rate.

Thirdly, in view of the state’s budget difficulties, there are better ways to spend this money. In fact, the Penang state government should leave crime-fighting to the the police. (Are there serious problems in policing which the proposed IPCMC could help resolve?) The state government should instead look at the underlying reasons for the rise in crime. Is it due to social problems created by unemployment, the widening gap between the rich and poor, the alienation of the working class, the lack of skills training that would otherwise enable more people to seek gainful employment? (See a comment by Hamid Ibrahim below, in which he includes an article suggesting that the state of urban ecology is an important factor in explaining urban crime.)

Installing CCTVs was an idea mooted by the previous administration and the police. Even before the general election, there were already 31 CCTVs in the Penang town centre with plans for 31 more on the mainland and another 94 on Penang Island. The way I see it, the main beneficiary will probably be the camera and equipment suppliers. So watch out for their marketing sweet talk.

Guan Eng with PGCC Campaign Group

Guan Eng receives documents from the PGCC Campaign Group

That said, the PGCC Campaign Group’s meeting with the new Chief Minister has achieved its objective of alerting the new state leaders about some critical issues that need to be resolved.

Guan Eng appeared down-to-earth (“No need to address us as YB”), warm and sincere and keen to make a fresh start for Penang. He kept telling us, “This is your government; we want the people to feel part of the government” – stuff like that, which went down well. He recalled his consultation with Indian groups and how delighted and empowered they felt when they were allowed to speak in Tamil while someone translated for the chief minister. “I wasn’t even sure if they were scolding me!” he laughed.

The new state government thus far enjoys tremendous public support and goodwill, and many have volunteered their services to help fashion a new Penang for all. This administration will need all the help it can get.

Why did they put Jesus to death?

Good Friday

Good Friday service at the Cathedral of the Holy Spirit in Penang

Christians believe Good Friday is the day Jesus was crucified and died for our sins.

But that doesn’t answer the question – if he was a good man, even a prophet or claiming to be divine, preaching love, compassion and forgiveness, why did the authorities at that time put him to death – and that too, not any kind of death, but the harshest punishment possible under the Roman Empire: scourged, stripped naked and nailed to a cross in a public space as an example to everyone.

Crucifixion was reserved for those who rebelled against the Roman Empire or for slaves who defied their masters. Both were considered a serious threat to public order.

Jesus’ passion for the kingdom of God that would raise up the oppressed and the downtrodden inevitably brought him on a collision course with the Empire. His passion for distributive justice led to his Passion through punitive justice meted out by the local rulers. All the values he stood for were diametrically opposed to the values of Empire – violence, greed, selfishness, domination and exploitation. Moreover, he preached the kingdom of God at a time when Roman imperial theology regarded Caesar as a “son of God”.

He was passionate about the kingdom of God based on love, justice and peace. He empowered peasants and the dispossessed. Not only that, he led his new followers in a movement for radical change into the heart of local power, Jerusalem, in the run-up to a major religious festival.

He was sharply critical of the elite in Jerusalem who were collaborating with Roman imperial rulers in the domination system of the time. The local people were groaning under the weight of taxation and oppressive rule. Their local leaders even had to pay tribute to Rome. It was a national humiliation.

His presence in Jerusalem did not go unnoticed. And his passion for the kingdom of God led to His Passion – his suffering and death – as we know it.

(Ideas from Borg, Marcus “The Last Week”)

Rumours prove unfounded as day passes peacefully in Penang

Start of the Maulud Nabi procession outside Kapitan Keling Mosque

women and children procession

Women and children in colourful attire participated

police

Police didn’t expect any trouble but kept a watchful eye

I thought I would head to George Town to see what was going on during the Maulud Nabi celebration today. Arrived near the Kapitan Keling mosque and saw a small crowd there.

The usual colourful procession started at around 5.00pm. Delegations from various parts of Penang participated, each led by a standard bearer carrying a banner indicating the name of the group and its location. The rhythmic, thumping beat of a kompang group livened up the proceedings.

Police had taken up positions. I saw four police jeeps with Light Strike Force personnel in addition to a couple of civil defence vans plus the usual traffic police. Plainclothes police were also around. They appeared relaxed, as if they were not expecting any problems – just keeping a close eye.

I chatted with a friendly police officer and he told me the earlier rumours were unfounded, but the police were there to keep the peace “just in case”. He said there had been no real incident after the election; the real test was during polling night but that passed without anything untoward happening.

As for the demonstration last Friday, he reckoned there were about 400 in the actual demonstration; the rest were largely curious onlookers.

Most people, he felt, had accepted the election results, and he didn’t expect any major problems.

What now after NEP?

If the NEP goes, what will replace it? The Malaysian Economic Agenda? Unlike the NEP, the MEA calls for providing assistance to all those who need it, irrespective of ethnicity.

Fine, but PKR, DAP and Pas leaders must realise that the people voted for more subsidies and greater government social spending. This is what they were promised. They did not vote for “free market”, “business friendly” policies. Neither did they opt for neoliberal policies (privatisation, corporatisation and policies favouring the corporate elite), which have actually widened the gap between the rich and the poor.

Voting for greater democracy does not mean support for “free-market” policies. Actually, what we often have in Malaysia is a situation, as economist Charles Santiago puts it, “where you had subsidies for the rich and a free market economy for the poor. While you subsidise the rich on one side, the debt of the country is being borne by the middle-classes and the poor”.

So true – just think of the billions of ringgit in gas subsidies dished out to the lucrative Independent Power Producers, who are raking in the profits.

Remember, ordinary Malaysians voted in droves for people-centred development (projects that really benefit the ordinary people) rather than corporate-driven development (mega projects that primarily benefit the corporate elite while ruining the environment).

Power shift to the provinces

by Anil Netto

PENANG, Mar 18 (IPS) – Malaysia’s race-based affirmative action policies have come under the spotlight in the aftermath of a pivotal general election which saw opposition parties making sweeping gains.

Opposition parties captured the ‘rice-bowl’ state of Kedah and the industrialised states of Penang, Perak and Selangor in addition to retaining power in the Muslim heartland state of Kelantan on the east coast in the Mar. 8 general election.

The three industrial states will be ruled by coalition governments made up of the multi-ethnic — but largely ethnic Chinese — Democratic Action Party (DAP), the multi-ethnic People’s Justice Party (PKR) and the Islamic party PAS. The opposition parties won 82 of 222 parliamentary seats while the ruling federal coalition Barisan Nasional (BN), or National Front, clinched 51.5 percent of the popular vote.

The new state governments now have their work cut out for them to make good on their opposition campaign promises of ending the New Economic Policy in favour of their ‘Malaysian Economic Agenda’. The NEP was introduced in 1971 to uplift the economic position of the majority ethnic Malays and remove the stereotyping of race with specific occupations. Full article